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Firma del contrato de asociación para cable Humboldt, Luz Granier de Desarrollo País y Cristián Ramos de Google / AFP.
In the current global scenario, where we find ourselves in a transitioning international order that has practically altered at least the main norms of international cooperation and relations that governed us for decades, the question arises: What is the best option or strategy for medium-sized countries like Chile to navigate this environment and these circumstances? It is evident that this has been triggered in recent hours by the U.S. decision to sanction three officials of the Chilean government—by canceling their visas—due to their involvement in the authorization of a submarine cable project that would connect the port of Valparaíso (Chile) with Hong Kong (China).
In this regard, some considerations from the perspective of Strategy and Geopolitics:
1. Today, in terms of communications,submarine cables constitute a strategic asset, and their relevance as instruments of power among major powers is increasing. They are the new highways of global information through which crucial and vital information for their national interests flows. In other words, this infrastructure adds to the capabilities that define traditional instruments of power such as economic, military, technological, cultural, etc. We could add that submarine cables constitute a backbone of the digital economy, considering that over 95% of global data traffic is transmitted through this means. Therefore, we could mention that whoever controls this vital infrastructure will exert greater power over the control of information, finance, and digital trade, among many other factors of interest. For this reason, submarine cables have become a vital strategic asset for major powers in this context. It is a new form of power, beyond the traditional elements that compose it.
2. Submarine cables—at present—are difficult to fully protect, and consequently, as demonstrated by the sabotage of the Nord Stream gas pipeline, critical underwater infrastructures can be affected, thereby compromising military, financial, and all types of communications, impacting financial markets in seconds, with all the implications that entails, to mention just one area. In other words, submarine cables are part of what we call critical infrastructure, and consequently, they have become an asset for surveillance and intelligence, constituting a key element of confrontation and strategic competition among major powers.
3. In the military strategic realm, derived from the impact of technologies, the dimensions of conflict, which define its character, have expanded into new dimensions beyond the traditional land, maritime, and aerial domains to include space and cyberspace. However, more and more authors are incorporating the underwater dimension as a new dimension, in which submarine cables and their strategic relevance are part of it, as evidenced by the growing importance of this particular infrastructure.
4. What is the relevance of submarine cables combined with Chile’s geopolitical positioning? Due to its geographical location and its long coastline that extends not only towards Polynesia but also to the Asia-Pacific, Chile could become the digital hub of the region and a gateway to the Asia-Pacific. Today, Chile has the Humboldt submarine cable that will connect our country with Polynesia and Australia. If we are clear about this geopolitical reality, the logical question that arises is: How will Chile reconcile this potential while defending its national interest in the context of ongoing geopolitical competition and confrontation between China and the U.S.? For this, a governmental process of strategic reflection is required, which can first identify, and then align our national interest with the actions we must take in the short term. The most negative scenario would be not to do so and to allow the previous decision not to become a state policy, leaving it to the discretion of each successive government or to institutions subordinate to the State of Chile. Certainly, this type of decision clearly affects Chile’s national security, which currently lacks a national security architecture, an instrument where such decisions should be analyzed to adopt the best possible decisions and avoid the risk that different ministries make sectoral decisions that end up harming our national interest, as occurred in northern Chile with the astronomical observatory project at Cerro Ventarrones, Antofagasta Region. Chile is located in a particular geographical position that today defines it as having great geopolitical importance.
5. No one doubts Chile’s sovereign capacity to make its own decisions. This is not in question, but what is part of its responsibility, which falls on the respective governments in power, is to adopt the necessary measures so that such resolutions do not affect the national interest, ultimately harming our country. This can be avoided if decisions that affect that interest are treated, studied, and resolved in a process that integrates and coordinates the main institutions involved in the matter. That is essentially what a national security architecture does, as proposed by AthenaLab in January 2026, along with the corresponding national intelligence system. While this will not prevent errors, it significantly minimizes the possibility of making them due to a lack of coordination.
6. To think that the submarine cable this government intends to develop with China is our only problem to solve would constitute a lack of strategic vision. In the current context of global strategic competition, this issue, along with cybersecurity, the space dimension, critical minerals, rare earths, among others, are all strategic factors of high relevance and criticality for major powers, as are our economic dependencies and the fact that we have a high dependence on copper, which in the current context becomes a strategic good to consider, as it has significant economic consequences in our geopolitical reality.Addressing our national security architecture and strategy is a priority of utmost importance, especially for the government that will assume office in March 2026. Our country faces a tremendous geopolitical challenge in the current global scenario, but it also has an extraordinary opportunity to address it today in the most intelligent and appropriate manner in accordance with our national interest.
7. Finally, it is highly advisable today to materialize the reading and understanding of the main national security strategies of major powers, such as that of China (2025) and that of the U.S., published at the end of 2025, along with their derived foreign policy, defense, and military strategies, in order to identify their interests, priorities, vision of the international scenario, main points of convergence, and fundamentally divergence, to collectively visualize how they could translate into risks, threats, or opportunities for our national interest.