Old National Security and Defense Challenges for New Authorities
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With just days until the start of a new government in Chile, it is appropriate to reflect on the challenges currently facing defense. The outgoing administration leaves several pending tasks, indicating that defense was not necessarily a priority for President Gabriel Boric’s government. The following lines outline what, in the authors’ view, are currently the priority areas for national security and defense.
SECURITY FOR THE STATE
Nine out of ten Chileans express that security is the main problem they face. This sense of vulnerability is evident when reviewing the crime statistics that plague the country and are reported daily. The level of violence, the types of crimes, and the increase in the use of firearms are just a few examples of the complexity of this phenomenon. However, the problem affecting Chile is not unique; it is merely an expression of an issue that has severely impacted the Latin American region for decades, from which our country had been relatively insulated. Uncontrolled immigration, porous borders, organized transnational criminal gangs established in Chile, the absence of the rule of law, institutional inefficiency, limited inter-state coordination, and, above all, a lack of political will and decision-making are the central factors in this matter.
To begin with, it is essential to identify and adequately define the problem, without euphemisms or circumlocutions. What Chile faces is a major issue that affects the national security of Chile and all its inhabitants, having ceased to be merely a public security problem. To address this, all of the country’s resources must be employed logically, without distorting their functions, but with the full weight of the State and certainly within the legal and regulatory framework.
First, we believe it is essential to create a national security architecture, as we at AthenaLab have been advocating for the past few years. This structure must be predominantly political and civil in nature, responsible for the integration and coordination—at the state level—of security issues. In this way, Chile will have an organization capable of monitoring the risks and threats it faces, as well as the opportunities that may arise, without waiting for the problem to catch us off guard, as has happened with transnational organized crime. From this organization, a security strategy for our country can be articulated and implemented, with a long-term vision that manages all components of national power.
To adequately support this architecture, it is necessary to design, implement, and strengthen a modern and robust national intelligence system. This can be done based on the recently enacted law—reinforcing the types of intelligence for a more comprehensive system—and thus effectively and efficiently articulate the available resources. However, currently, the country does not have such a system, resulting in many efforts being fragmented without proper and timely integration.
The importance and complexity of the situation demand having a critical mass of individuals, initially trained in the best institutions worldwide, in the fields of national security, defense, and public safety. The challenge requires a number of experts that Chile does not currently possess, as the quality of advice relies on individuals who are not necessarily well-trained, exposing us to ineffective diagnoses and solutions, as demonstrated by past experiences. At the same time, incentives must be created to multiply studies and research in this area at the national level, as well as for various university research centers to offer academic programs on these highly relevant topics for the country.
NATIONAL DEFENSE
Defense, a fundamental part of the State focused on creating a safer country, must consolidate its capabilities without deviating from its core tasks or distorting its essence or constitutional mission. The Armed Forces enjoy significant international prestige and clear recognition from their compatriots, which has resulted from professional work; however, the country has increasingly demanded more effort from them to perform non-conventional roles for longer periods. This, combined with changes in the international and regional context, requires that our defense be updated to address these and other challenges.
In order to strengthen Chile’s defense, it is necessary to optimize the joint command of the Armed Forces.Building on what has already been achieved, greater relevance and authority must be given to the figure of the Chief of the Joint Staff, as well as to the existing joint commands. The idea is for these organizations to have greater independence and to act with more freedom regarding the armed institutions, recognizing the particularities of the northern, central, and southern regions of the country. If these organizations are to be responsible for conducting conflict, it seems necessary to grant them the powers and conditions for joint training that ensure interoperability, among other aspects.
Likewise, the current situation demands a review of the existing strategic capabilities, identifying areas of greatest obsolescence. In other words, equipping the Armed Forces with the means they need to carry out their duties, updating the oldest weapon systems, and acquiring the necessary technology to make their work more efficient, in an integrated manner. This is especially true for all matters related to the surveillance and protection of land, maritime, and air borders, always with responsibility, civil control, and within the budgetary reality.
Similarly, in light of what is increasingly observed in a world in conflict, the State must recover and promote national industry and innovation in defense, in order to achieve a minimum level of strategic autonomy sufficient to act with freedom of action. On this point, incentives must be created for research and development in defense matters, beyond the state-owned companies dedicated to this (FAMAE, ASMAR, and ENAER). Chile has sufficient talent to elevate the country to an important position in innovation and technology, making the public-private relationship key.
Finally, it is advisable for the new authorities to strengthen the capabilities of military personnel. On one hand, it is essential to promote the value of a military career at all levels, reinforcing the pride of serving Chile in the Armed Forces. This involves promoting the recruitment of young people into the armed institutions, strengthening traditions and national identity, as well as countering the progressive loss of talent observed in recent times. Each year, society expands the range of missions required from the defense institutions, prolonging the duration of their deployments, but without allocating all the necessary resources and budget. Additionally, the government should address the judicial situations of active personnel who, due to duty, have been prosecuted in various cases under Constitutional States of Exception since 2019 to date. This involves aligning responsibilities with the necessary exceptional powers of that context. If the appropriate framework is not in place, it seems better not to expose them to exceptional employment, if ultimately, they will be judged by normal criteria.
Finally, it must be acknowledged that these challenges become particularly complex tasks for the new authorities, as they inherit a State under significant budgetary stress. The Ministry of Finance has indicated the need to adjust resources by 3%—downward—which will impact defense. We hope that, given the priority assigned to security by the President of the Republic during his campaign, this will be reflected in the allocation of resources to address Chile’s most urgent and immediate needs and emergencies.
John Griffiths
Marcelo Masalleras
